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  • Charmaine H. Lam
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 1-15.
    This analysis pursues a transnational and spatial approach to the history of Victoria Park to examine the construction and experience of space within Victoria Park in Hong Kong. It applies Henri Lefebvre's categories of spatial analysis to facilitate an examination of how British and local Chinese meanings and experiences of space collided to create an arena of contested power within the spatial practices of the park. These resulting tensions provide an understanding of the larger tensions within Hong Kong's colonial order that points to the importance of recognizing local contributions to urban development and space in colonial histories.This framework provides an equal focus on the roles of the colonial government and the local Chinese working classes in shaping the use and meaning of Victoria Park and, thus, the urban landscape of colonial Hong Kong. Such a focus presents an intervention for a group that has been much overlooked both within Hong Kong's colonial history and within the broader field of imperial urban history.
  • Reviewed by Yip Ka-che
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 105-108.
  • Guilherme Augusto Laidens Feistauer, Elaine wisbey
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 57-82.
    At one point considered to have been the most densely populated place on earth, nearly thirty years after its demolition, Hong Kong's Walled City of Kowloon continues to be a topic of significant cultural memorialization and lively academic discussion. Yet despite the researchers' best efforts, its origin and early history continue to be riddled with fundamental inaccuracies. Tracing back to key primary sources, this article upholds that the Walled City was selectively built by the Chinese on empty government land between late 1846 and 1847, systematically arguing that it was therefore not an architectural palimpsest with an undue “centuries-old” history. Seeking to bring clarity as to “why” predominant academic discourses to date have differed, the article scrutinizes two of the most influential published narratives on the topic by Elizabeth Sinn and Julia Wilkinson, demonstrating how a fundamental lack of integration of key primary sources has resulted in the current state of knowledge. Closely aligned with and committed to efforts to decolonize the historical record, the article also proposes that such sources should be made more accessible for proper study, in the hope that narratives about the Walled City's origin and early history take account of the perspectives of those who built it.
  • 卓嘉健
    香港研究. 2023, 3(2): 5.
    本文以香港錫克家庭回訪印度為例,探討回鄉探親這類活動, 如何反映香港印度人與他們故鄉之間的跨國聯繫,以及他們 如何運用這種聯繫去維持本身的宗教信仰及進行各項經濟活 動。根據筆者自 2005 年在香港錫克教廟長期持續的田野調 查,以及伴隨香港錫克家庭到印度旁遮普邦的探訪,本文考 察香港錫克人回印探親對當地錫克家族跨國網路整合及本地 日常活動的影響。以參與觀察所得的資料為基礎,本文分析 香港錫克家庭回訪印度這一行為背後一系列的歷史及社會文 化因素,並藉此展望在回鄉探親中展現的跨國聯繫,在全球 疫情漸緩之後或會發生的轉變。
  • Charles Lam, Raymond Pai
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 83-103.
    This article discusses how humor contributes as a resource to the teaching of Hong Kong, both in the context of Cantonese language learners across the globe and for a wider audience who are interested in social and identity issues in “homeland” Hong Kong. We argue that humor is an effective resource in teaching Hong Kong since humorous texts in the broad sense are often nuanced and multi-layered, which are important qualities that match Hong Kong's (in)famous plurality and hybridity. Drawing on Shih Shu-mei's decentralized and pluricentric concept of Sinophone studies, this article argues that humorous texts help learners better appreciate the diversity and dynamicity in Hong Kong culture and Cantonese. In the context of heritage language learners, we show that humor and parody are excellent vehicles to allow students to connect with the target language in their own style, rather than tracing back to certain stereotypical yet imaginary roots of “homeland” that go against the psychological ownership of students' learning. In the Asian (“homeland”) context, we illustrate the importance of comedy studies through a course in a popular education setting outside of universities. Through the course on humor studies and the stress on Cantonese language, aspects related to the Hong Kong identity are introduced while covering various topics, such as popular culture, parody, and the negotiation of the Hong Kong identity. This article shows how humor engages with the audience and enables dialogues and discussions on the otherwise divisive and abstract topic of identity, even in the local “homeland” context, in which speakers assume a relatively stable and homogeneous identity. We stress that learners' active engagement can be leveraged by the incorporation of both consumption and production (also known as “prosumption”) of humorous content and learning materials that suit their own learning style and motivation, which is particularly significant for adult learners.
  • Reviewed by Hercules Chu Kok-yin
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 108-110.
  • Vincent Ho, Novem Ho Tsz-wing
    香港研究. 2024, 4(1): 17-35.
    This article presents an alternative perspective to the prevailing view that the Hong Kong Zoological and Botanical Gardens were established solely through negotiations between colonial authorities and the Hong Kong government. We argue that the role of the imperial botanical network should also be considered. The network facilitated the explorations, imaginations, and connections of botanists in Hong Kong from the British occupation to the establishment of the gardens, revealing their contribution to Hong Kong's significance in the field of imperial botany. Through exploring the people and events surrounding the gardens' establishment, the article offers a unique perspective on revealing Hong Kong's early colonial period.
  • Yeung Yang
    香港研究. 2023, 3(2): 4.
    This article addresses the relation between the political environment during, immediately after the2019pro- democracy movement, two Hong Kong artists’ situated responses, experiences. As the movement forges its strength in the name of unity of citizenship provisionally formed, it risks failing to recognize artists’ lateral engagement with it. The movement demands that participants forgo specificities of identity as it prioritizes a unified citizenship antagonistic to the ruling power. Artists face the dilemma of having the capacity to contribute to the movement by creative, non-antagonistic means, but not having the discursive space to actualize this capacity. This article proposes that Charles Taylor’s politics of recognition is productive for understanding such contentions. It raises the question of whether forfeiting differences that constitute the value of particular cultural groups is a price the sustainability of democratic values can pay for. The works of Sharon Lee Cheuk-wun, Lau Wai demonstrate that a creative space for experimenting with what ruling power is, what it does to citizens, is as important as a space for contesting against it. Their works can be interpreted as associating with Roland Barthes’ figure of the Neutral, at once a figure of experimental thought, a dwelling for playfulness, an open, atopic space without location or ownership for multiple modes of engagement with meaning-making processes(an ethics).
  • Christian Nathen Ng
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 1.
    This article aims at investigating local developmental trajectories of Pentecostalism, a rapidly growing Christian movement with an emphasis on the ecstatic religious experiences of the Holy Spirit and practices of spiritual gifts, since the late twentieth century and the phenomena of its recent socio- political engagements in Hong Kong. However, it has received insufficient academic attention. The research question of this article is: how have different Pentecostal churches and Christians interacted with the socio- political sphere in today’s Hong Kong? This article argues that in today’s Hong Kong, Pentecostal communities have been phenomenally and theologically kaleidoscopic in their socio-political engagements, in which no single Pentecostal theory can fully depict and interpret their complex realities. An analysis of Pentecostalism and its socio-political dynamics in context needs to take the local context into consideration.
  • Ann Gillian Chu
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 5.
    Public opinion in Hong Kong has been moving toward a narrative that diminishes the value of the humanities both within its society and in the broader context of Mainland China. This influences how theology is understood in Hong Kong. Theological education in Hong Kong often uses Western Enlightenment paradigms, theories, and materials, but what if Hongkongers were to ground their understanding of contextual theology in their experiences? What does it mean to value local theological knowledge in Hong Kong? The practices of Hong Kong’s laity could be important to local theologians’ theorization of Hong Kong theology.
    What do Christian lay people in Hong Kong consider theology to be? In what ways does theology grow out of their lives? Questions like these must be understood and analyzed to enable Hong Kong theology to develop based on the lived theologies of its people, reflecting theological lessons learned from post-Handover socio-politics.
    First, I argue for the public value of theological education in Hong Kong. Second, in a culture where theological education is largely seen as vocational training for ministers, I explore why Hong Kong lay Christians wish to study theology, and I suggest the necessity of lifting local, lay knowledge. Finally, I propose rethinking theological education in a comprehensive, liberal arts style to stimulate the laity’s critical thinking about their faith. Working out one’s theology in community with others is crucial, because it is in communities that the emotional and affective dimensions of religion have their place and where theologies are cross-checked with lived experience.
  • Shui Kau Chiu
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 3.
    The Hong Kong government has administered new public management in the public sector to address the impact of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Guided by the principles of efficiency, effectiveness, and economy, the Government re-examined its expenditures across different sectors. Higher education encountered financial strain after the Government adjusted its funding for education. Meanwhile, many young people were unemployed or failed to pursue further studies. The Government thus launched Project Yi Jin in 2000, authorizing qualified higher education providers to offer an unprecedented and self-financed study path for young people to meet their educational needs. Despite the project’s implementation spanning over two decades, studies focusing on it were outdated and inadequate. Therefore, we proposed a study to revisit the project in the aforementioned context, aiming to bridge the academic gaps. This article argued that by offering young people hope for their futures, the project has enhanced society, especially young people, to respect law and order. The project has also helped higher education to survive and exercise its function by alleviating the financial stress attributed to new public management in the public sector. This article will become one of the significant references for higher education and education policymakers, particularly regarding sustainability and governance.
  • Samson Yuen and Edmund W. Cheng
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 7-25.
    Despite sustaining enviable economic growth after its Handover to China, Hong Kong has witnessed an increasingly contentious society where citizens have continued to protest for their political freedoms. This article is an attempt to rethink the ways of studying popular contention in a subnational, hybrid context, focusing on the case of Hong Kong. How has Hong Kong’s long trajectory of popular protests, despite not being able to bring about institutional changes, reshaped the dynamics and contours of political participation? Departing from what we will identify as the structural– functionalist and neo-institutionalist approaches, we propose to deploy a bottom–up, movement-oriented approach—what we call the “movement field” approach—to identify how state, non-state and quasi-state actors interact to operate between different issues of activism, adopt various contentious practices, and transcend established boundaries of contention. We aim to identify new analytical levers for revealing the neglected dimensions of the city’s contentious politics and for identifying the interplay between their changes and continuities. Our aim is to reveal the impetus and mechanisms for social-political changes in an open society dictated by increasingly authoritarian protocols, and to offer new conceptual and methodological directions that might yield a more profound and nuanced understanding of contentious politics both in and beyond Hong Kong.
  • Nicholas Gordon
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 26-40.
    This article analyses the experience of “One Country, Two Systems” to flesh out a continuous and divisible understanding of sovereignty. A binary and exclusive concept of sovereignty is too contingent on statehood to describe an international system marked by divided authority. Hong Kong, as a sub-state that legally lacks sovereignty yet has high levels of autonomy and authority over its population, is a unique opportunity to help create a new, more flexible organizing principle for the international system.
    The article focuses on “tests”: instances where Hong Kong’s political process and local authority came into conflict with external factors, be they Chinese objectives or engagement with the international system. The tests fall into three categories, which could be seen as the most salient elements of authority: the ability to enforce legislation inside a defined jurisdiction (i.e. territoriality); the ability to define problems, priorities and solutions (i.e. policy autonomy); and the ability to engage with the international system (i.e. foreign engagement and diplomatic recognition). These tests help determine what elements of Hong Kong’s autonomy (and, by extension, any instance of high, but not complete, autonomy in a sub-state) are the most politically salient.
  • Dorothy Lau
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 51-65.
    The post-Handover years of Hong Kong have witnessed an escalating visibility of local celebrities in its political scene. Responding to a society that is clouded by civil unrest and social tension, some famed individuals have readily given their voice on political issues in the media-shaped social environment. This article will study the Hong Kong-based Cantopop singer Denise Ho as a case in point to scrutinize how “performance” is interpreted as strategic and discursive framing of one’s mediated image within the changing celebrity culture of Hong Kong. Rather than a quality that individuals possess or inhabit, this article reconceptualizes celebrity as a process, or a “frame” through which the persona is configured, addressed and negotiated. The article will identify two performative “moments” pertinent, directly or laterally, to the 2014 Umbrella Movement which also marks the pinnacle of Ho’s politically-charged image: first, the arrest of Ho in a police clearance action on December 11, 2014, and second, a free substitute concert held by Ho on June 19, 2016, in place of the one canceled by the French cosmetic company Lancôme. The analysis will delineate two vectors in Ho’s performance—to impress and to express—and will argue that the performance is an outcome of the interplay of multiple forces such as the audience, the media, and the celebrity herself, which works to reconstruct her personality as versatile, dynamic, and impactful. This article will shed light on the vital convergence of celebrities and politics in post-1997 Hong Kong, providing a theoretical discourse for understanding how local public personalities operate at this historical and political juncture.
  • Agnes Tam
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 83-99.
    The guiding principle of the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong was stability. The city’s status quo is guaranteed by Article 5 of the Basic Law, which stipulates the continued operation of economic and political systems for fifty years after the transition from British to Chinese sovereignty. Since the Handover, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) have imposed purposive interpretations on the Basic Law that restrict Hongkongers’ civil participation in local politics. Some official documents of Hong Kong, such as court judgments and public statements, show how the Hong Kong government avails itself to perpetuate such discursive violence through manipulating a linguistic vacuum left by translation issues in legal concepts and their cultural connotations in Chinese and English languages.
    Twenty years after the Handover, the promise of stability and prosperity in fifty years of unchangedness exists in name only. Highlighting this connection, this article exemplifies the fast-disappearing space for the freedom of expression and for the nominal status quo using the ephemeral appearance of a light installation, Our 60-Second Friendship Begins Now. Embedding the artwork into the skyline of Hong Kong, the artists of this installation adopted the administration’s re-interpretation strategy and articulated their own projection of Hong Kong’s bleak political future through the motif of a countdown device. This article explicates how Hongkongers are compelled to explore alternative spaces to articulate counter-discourses that bring the critical situation of Hong Kong in sight. The artwork also sheds light on two levels of dimensional shift in Hongkongers’ struggle for democracy—namely, the exploration of alternative discursive space, as well as the efforts to retain “Hong Kong” in the discourse of global politics.
  • Andrew B. Kipnis, Yuki Woo
    香港研究. 2026, 5(1): 1. https://doi.org/10.65961/hks-2026-5-001
    This article examines the category of "ancestral homeland" through its use on columbaria niche covers in Hong Kong. By analyzing data from over 2,500 niche covers at three public columbaria in Hong Kong, as well as from focus groups conducted among people who visit columbaria over the Qing Ming holiday, we depict the variety of ways in which people interpret their identities through the category of ancestral homeland, and suggest the manner in which the relationship between the idea of an ancestral homeland and various social identities in Hong Kong are evolving.
  • Heidi Yu Huang
    香港研究. 2026, 5(1): 2. https://doi.org/10.65961/hks-2026-5-002
    This article presents a historical and literary analysis of a seminal work in Hong Kong literature, The Drunkard, by the iconic and versatile writer Liu Yichang (1918–2018). It begins by investigating how Liu’s diasporic dislocation informed his fusion of stylistic elements, linking existential crisis to the emergence of hybrid literary forms in Cold War Hong Kong. It also considers the impact of Cold War cultural influences—British colonial, American, and Chinese—on Hong Kong’s literary landscape and their role in enabling Liu’s experimental hybridity. Furthermore, it examines the ways in which diverse traditions, including European modernism, Shanghai Neo-Sensationalism, Classical Chinese literature, and Nanyang multiculturalism, are manifested in The Drunkard through specific formal devices rather than as mere cultural references. Finally, the article addresses how Liu’s editorial practices contributed to an engagement with modernism, shaping his creative output and the evolution of Hong Kong modernist literature. It argues that both the creation and content of The Drunkard exemplify a form of “hybrid modernism”—a distinctive cultural response to the complexities of modernity and coloniality in Cold War Hong Kong.
  • Gavin Tse Wing-hin
    香港研究. 2026, 5(1): 4. https://doi.org/10.65961/hks-2026-5-004
    This article focuses on interrogating the significance of the English translation of Hong Kong Sinophone writer Dung Kai-cheung’s 董啟章 Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City (henceforth abbreviated as Atlas), published by Columbia University Press in 2012, in particular the role of translation in shaping the reception and circulation of Dung Kai-cheung’s works on a global scale. This article focuses less on engaging in close inter-textual analysis of Dung’s works predicated upon the interrogation of the source text and its translation, but instead tries to foreground the intricate and complex process of translation by situating it as a transnational transfer, in particular paying attention to the power dynamics between different linguistic communities and the symbolic capital of English. Moreover, this article seeks to shed light on future research directions by situating Atlas as symptomatic of a wider trend: how the proliferation of English translations over the past decade helps to “expand the visibility of Hong Kong literature” (Mattison 152).
  • 書評人:譚詠瑜
    香港研究. 2023, 3(2): 6.
  • Reviewed by Matthew Hurst
    香港研究. 2023, 3(2): 7.
  • Kevin Carrico
    香港研究. 2019, 2(1): 4.
    Four decades after radically reinterpreting global relations of knowledge and power, what can Orientalism tell us about the relationship between Beijing and Hong Kong today? Drawing upon recent studies that critique Said’s exclusive focus on the East-West binary to re-envision Orientalism as one of multiple grammars of identification operating across multiple binaries, this paper expands Said’s knowledge/power framework to analyze academic studies of Hong Kong from today’s metropole, Beijing.
    I examine three examples of Beijing’s Hong Kong-ology, arguing that each constructs and reproduces the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) colonial mythologies across the Hong Kong-Beijing nexus. The first, a book by Jiang Shigong, argues that the brilliance of One Country, Two Systems proves the superiority of the PRC political system, thereby rendering the maintenance of two systems unnecessary. The second, an article on localism in the official journal of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau Studies, places Hong Kong on the psychoanalyst’s couch to construct the city as an irrational child in need of guidance from Beijing. And finally, a third article provides this guidance, imposing the Party-state’s hegemonic ideology of economic development as a universal panacea.
    Beijing’s Hong Kong-ology constitutes a closed, self-referential, and self- reproducing system divorced from realities on the ground, presenting predetermined self-glorifying tropes as academic analyses. While fundamentally misrepresenting reality, this nexus of ignorance and power nevertheless has real effects on Beijing-Hong Kong relations, promoting misunderstandings, fostering misguided policies, and thereby further escalating tensions.
  • Chan Shao-yi
    香港研究. 2018, 1(2): 143-159.
    This article looks at two recurring cinematic motifs—neon signs and skyscrapers—as constitutive signifiers of Hong Kong’s urban topography, and charts the shifting construct of the city through its filmic representations. Focusing on Andrew Lau and Alan Mak’s Infernal Affairs (2002) with the aid of a few others including Her Fatal Ways and Oshii Mamoru’s Ghost in the Shell, I aim to juxtapose the two architectural icons and their filmic presences alongside the city’s changing symbolic landscape, and to remap its transition from a product of colonial modernity to that of post/modernity. Rather than fixing themselves to two successive temporalities, I argue, these motifs are often manifested in a way that inverts the time–space of Hong Kong on screen, giving rise to a fluid identity that is unique to its cityscape.
  • Reviewed by Kwong Ying-ho
    香港研究. 2018, 1(2): 184-186.
  • Reviewed by Chris Chien
    香港研究. 2018, 1(2): 187-192.
  • Reviewed by Liz Wan Yuen-yuk
    香港研究. 2018, 1(2): 193-197.
  • Alexis Lai
    香港研究. 2026, 5(1): 5. https://doi.org/10.65961/hks-2026-5-005
    This article explores the affective logics of aphasia caused by the standardization of English and Chinese in post-Handover Hong Kong. It offers a close study of Lau Yee-wa’s 2019 novel Satjyu (Tongueless), which features the intertwined demises of a pair of schoolteachers who are disenfranchised by a mandatory change to their subject’s medium of instruction. I argue that the affects of aphasia circulating within this text illustrate a structure of feeling in Hong Kong that I term “cruel optimisation.” My framework employs Lauren Berlant’s cruel optimism and Sianne Ngai’s ugly feelings as points of departure in order to trace the affective resonances between schoolteachers treading water in the stretched-out present of the neoliberal, nation-building project of “Hong Kong.” Cruel optimisation reconfigures these concepts to account for the critical role of the standardized languages of English and Chinese in shaping the sense of deficiency and disempowerment underlying the affective atmosphere and social time of post-Handover Hong Kong. Ultimately, cruel optimisation structures and perpetuates an attachment to a language-based fantasy of upward mobility that neither state nor self can fulfil.
  • Roman Lashin
    香港研究. 2026, 5(1): 3. https://doi.org/10.65961/hks-2026-5-003
    Recently, higher learning encountered an unprecedented challenge, namely the proliferation of artificial intelligence in the form of large language models, while continuing to grapple with the divide between humanities and sciences, managerialism within and anti-intellectualism outside universities, as well as attempts to align educational and scholarly practices with the current political agenda. Hong Kong, as an established educational and aspiring tech powerhouse, stands at the forefront of these precarious transformations. Therefore, such an array of issues calls for new approaches in higher education research, while their universal nature calls for practitioners of different disciplines to step up and offer their tools and expertise to education scholars. This article proposes literature as a sensitive, fast-responding source of insights on how higher education in the Sinosphere is changing under pressures such as AI, shifting views of the humanities, new managerial practices, and governmental ukases. While policy reports and institutional studies remain essential, they can be slow or somewhat insensitive to the personal lived experience of university denizens to register the whole gamut of challenges and transformations. Fiction, by contrast, can play the role of a litmus test, anticipating nascent trends and transmitting certain immediate observations of people involved with universities. The first part of this article theorizes literature's potential contributions to higher education research, while the second examines a novel Beloved Wife by Hong Kong's preeminent literary visionary Dung Kai-cheung, reading this work as a rumination on the present and future of liberal arts education and scholarship in the age of scientific progress.
  • Carlos Rojas
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 100-115.
    This essay uses an analysis of Fruit Chan’s 2016 film Kill Time to reflect on the legacy of the Handover, and on the significance of its upcoming twentieth—and, later, fiftieth—anniversaries. Although Chan’s film is set in contemporary Beijing, is based on a novel by a ainland Chinese author, and at first glance appears to have little to do with Hong Kong, this essay argues that if we look beyond the film’s surface narrative, we find that the work explores a set of concerns relevant to the Handover and its legacies. Of particular interest is the sense of anticipation and anxiety that the Handover has generated, as well as the sense of potentiality and foreboding contained in the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration’s guarantee that Hong Kong would enjoy a post-Handover moratorium of “fifty years without change.”
  • 香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 116-117.
  • Winnie W. C. Lai
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 66-82.
    In protests, music and sound often play a cardinal role in unifying individuals via social performances in which they voice out mutual political demands. During the 79-day Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in the autumn of 2014, many forms of music and sound that are expected in local protests were heard, including slogan-chanting, booing, and the collective singing of Cantopop songs. However, performances of “Happy Birthday to You” and other “inappropriate” songs—that is, “nonsensical” events—were heard as well. These sonic events first occurred unexpectedly and ironically in the demonstration sites, but were nonetheless grasped and performed as a political act, functioning as nonviolent weapons used to “attack” political opponents. These nonsensical musical acts soon began to make sense or sound meaningful as protesters recontextualized the lighthearted nature of these songs to particular situations in the protest and adapted this paradoxical experience into the idea of 無厘頭 mouleitau, a cultural phenomenon that appears in Hong Kong films and other media platforms to represent a sense of localism. Drawing from insights in musicology, sound studies and critical theory, this article adopts an interdisciplinary approach to study the role of these unexpected sounds in the Umbrella Movement. In particular, this article explores how and why nonsensical musical acts were appropriated and put to political use in the protest space.
  • 宋子江
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 41-50.
    本文回顧九七回歸後香港詩刊上的詩歌翻譯作品, 從文化翻譯的角度來檢驗詩刊的翻譯實踐與文化身份之間的關係。文化翻譯過程中的不可譯性保證文化的存活。本文指出香港譯者有意識地主動尋求文化翻譯來呈現各種文化特質,而不是在被動地在(後)殖民話語中將它們逼迫出來。這些香港文化的特質都帶有「中間」、「過渡」、「跨越」等特點,它們共同構成了一種翻譯的文化身份。
  • Oscar Man
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 4.
    In an attempt to de-Westernize film studies, this article first compares the different literary precursors, cultural references, and developments of horror as a film genre in Hong Kong and Hollywood to highlight their difference in cultural provenances. It then illustrates how the film evokes nostalgia for the “golden past” of Hong Kong horror through nostalgia casting and slipshod cinematography and extrapolates how the local spectators’ criticisms of Coffin Homes reflect a cinematic amnesia and detachment from Hong Kong horror as the result of the Westernization and modernization of movie theaters. By inventing a new subgenre called “slipshod horror,” I separate this de- Westernizing local subgenre from other horror-related subgenres, such as B films, exploitation films, and cult films. This distinction highlights its unique combination of cultness, low budget, cultural specificity, genre hybridity, and political awareness. Additionally, I explain how the film employs both cinematic and meta-cinematic techniques to practice a de-Westernizing approach that seeks to problematize, recalibrate, and reimagine the horror genre through a local, non-Westernized perspective.
  • Reviewed by Catherine Li Lanqing
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 6.
  • 香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 7.
  • Tammy Ho, Michael O'Sullivan, Eddie Tay Michael Tsang
    香港研究. 2018, 1(1): 1-6.
  • Pit Hok Yau, Tim
    香港研究. 2024, 4(2): 2.
    The Chinese white dolphin is not only the most loved animal in Hong Kong but also the flagship species of the city, mobilized by conservationists to publicize environmental issues and drum up support for the conservation of the species’ habitat. In addition, the cetacean has also been instrumentalized to convey political messages. This article aims to make sense of the social prominence of the Chinese white dolphin in Hong Kong by revisiting the cetacean’s trajectory with the city while examining the efficacy and the potential negative impacts of the symbol in relation to conservation. Historically, public awareness of the species first surged due to the construction plan for Hong Kong International Airport, followed by the 1997 Handover, during which the dolphin was turned into a mascot to call for a more intimate relationship between China and Hong Kong, although some citizens professed their pessimism over the change of sovereignty by reading their misery into the mammal. The two events have offered fecund resources for conservationists to build up the flagship species. However, while citizens show general awareness and concern over the dolphins, the efficacy of the flagship species is low when leveraged against reclamation initiatives. The Chinese white dolphin can also be a double-sided sword for Hong Kong’s conservation, given their absence in specific sites was used to justify various ecologically disruptive development plans. An additional observation is that there has been a resurgence among Hong Kong people to draw parallels to the plights of the cetacean after the political turmoil unveiled in 2019.
  • Tammy Ho, Michael O'Sullivan, Eddie Tay, Michael Tsang
    香港研究. 2019, 2(2): 1.
  • ARTICLES
    Lo Kwai-cheung
    香港研究. 2019, 2(2): 2.
    This article analyzes how two narratives about Hong Kong function as hidden resistance transcripts against Chinese state sovereignty in different historical periods. First, maritime piracy on southern Chinese coasts has been appropriated in Hong Kong regional narratives to reflect the city's collective imaginary. Pirate gang was regarded as an epitome of the refugee society of the 1950 s , projecting liberation from state control. Second, inchoate agrarian narratives under the looming power of the Chinese sovereign state after the 1997 Handover seeks to secure the community as a self-sufficient place. It advocates the revival of farming in order to voice the dissent from the increasingly centralized rule, while embedding sentiment for the locality within a series of modern global discourses, such as ecology movements, organic farming, food sovereignty, and preservation of heritage. The two narratives are hidden transcripts that represent potential events to be reactivated under oppression and to play strategic roles in power politics.
  • ARTICLES
    Annie Hui
    香港研究. 2019, 2(2): 3.
    In recent years, pro-democracy protests have increasingly challenged the legitimacy of Beijing rule, stressing that the "One Country, Two Systems" form of governance has not been upheld. Echoing the political unrest and the disillusionment of many pro-Hong Kong/anti-China citizens, the Hong Kong film industry has seen a rise in politically motivated works that emphasize the idea of the "local." This article examines contemporary pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong and questions the role that social activism plays in the formation of individual and group identity in post-handover Hong Kong and how the very idea of the "local" is seen as subversive by the Communist Party of China (CPC).
    Through analyzing Hong Kong's localist discourse in Ten Years (2015), a dystopian film that exemplifies the revival of political art and activism in Hong Kong, this article seeks to engage with contemporary developments of localist thought in relation to identity formation in a decolonizing space, to interrogate the dichotomy of the "local" and the "national" in order to understand how the former works to destabilize national narratives, and to examine the plethora of tactics employed by the CPC to silence social movements in Hong Kong, including censorship of film and social media. This article will ultimately argue that the extensive censorship of art and media in and related to Hong Kong reveals that the CPC's project is to enforce a unified and singular national identity, wherein Hong Kong localist thought is seen to delegitimize state authority and endanger national sovereignty.
  • ARTICLES
    Jonathan Paquette, Devin Beauregard
    香港研究. 2019, 2(2): 4.
    In 2003, UNESCO introduced a new international instrument: The Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Intangible cultural heritage refers to social practices, languages, beliefs, festivals, oral traditions, and culinary customs. In 2004, the government of the People's Republic of China and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government (HKSARG) both agreed to be part of the Convention and implement its decrees. Building on the case of China's and Hong Kong's participation in the Convention, this article contributes to the understanding of cultural heritage governance in Hong Kong by focusing on intergovernmental relations. Three dimensions are explored. First, we try to situate the nature of Hong Kong's intergovernmental cultural governance by comparing it against a number of cases in Europe and North America. Second, we focus on the development of local structures that were put in place to implement the Convention in Hong Kong. This section reveals both practical and political dimensions associated with the policy's development and implementation. Third, we engage with the politics of intangible heritage in Hong Kong. This section examines the political nature of culture and pays attention to the administrative processes that tend to evacuate or neutralize social and political tensions and aspirations. The implementation of the Convention, in some cases, meshes, and in others, avoids engagement with intangible cultural issues that could be contentious or are part of Hong Kong's politics of localism.